October 7, 2024
Five years ago, I published The Future of Democracy: The End of Democracy as We Know It, which explored the trajectory of democratic systems in the face of rising global challenges (Goede, 2019). Though my original version was modified through revisions, the core analysis remained. Today, November 5, 2024, we live in the very future I predicted: a world where democracy is increasingly on shaky ground, and its biggest casualty is the voter. Even in countries like the Netherlands and the United States of America.
Reflecting on How Democracies Die (2018), a book I discovered after publishing my article, I was struck by its central argument: democratically elected leaders, once in power, can dismantle the very systems that uphold democracy. Today, we see voters supporting leaders who openly plan to weaken democratic institutions, making it clear that the integrity of democracy is no longer a priority for many.
I’ve been observing this shift for years. In 2010, I noticed it in Suriname, where a controversial leader was elected despite a troubled past. An even earlier example was Chávez in Venezuela in 1998. Since then, we’ve witnessed a pattern where leaders with questionable records or authoritarian tendencies rise to power—not because they conceal their intentions but because they openly promise stability, growth, or security at the expense of democratic norms.
The growing power of corporations propels this shift, as does the influence of social media and artificial intelligence. During Trump’s first campaign, Cambridge Analytica demonstrated how powerful data manipulation could sway public opinion. Even before Trump, Obama’s team used technology strategically, setting a new standard for digital campaigning. But since then, data and AI have only grown more sophisticated, heightening concerns about privacy, autonomy, and the ability to distinguish fact from manipulated content.
Today, authoritarian democracies have gained mainstream appeal. The example of President Nayib Bukele in El Salvador highlights how popular leaders can erode democratic checks and balances with broad public support. In Curaçao, organizations and forums still discuss democracy annually. Still, few are tackling the difficult questions: how can democracy evolve to meet the current challenges, and how can we prevent its decay?
The conclusion is complex but straightforward. Voters increasingly choose leaders who openly declare their intent to limit democratic freedoms, believing such measures will deliver national strength. This shift suggests that voters may no longer value democracy as they once did. On November 5, the biggest loser is democracy—and, therefore, the voter. As we move forward, these trends challenge us to rethink how we define and defend democratic values in a world increasingly drawn to authoritarian solutions.
Miguel Goede
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